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African News Review
For long the story of the hunt has glorified the hunters, now the lions have decided to reframe the narrative. Africa talks back.
With African News Review, you can expect engaging discussions and thought-provoking insights into
π The Scramble for Africa :Unraveling the European Colonial Divide
π African Leaders Who shaped History : Stories of Courage and Vision
π Pan Africanism : ideologies and Impact on Unity and Identity
π Decolonisation and the Birth of African Nations
π The Cold War in Africa: Proxy Battles and their Aftermath
π Contemporary Africa : Navigating Challenges and Embracing Opportunities.
π Books on Africa and African on the continent and the Diaspora.
Come with me and Letβs begin
African News Review
EP 7 Sankara- An African Revolution Betrayed I African News Review π
In this conversation, Adesoji Iginla, Milton Allimadi and Aya Fubara Eneli delve into the life and legacy of Thomas Sankara, the former head of state of Burkina Faso, exploring his revolutionary ideas on women's empowerment, Pan-African unity, and critiques of neocolonialism and debt.
The discussion highlights the relevance of Sankara's speeches in contemporary times, emphasising the need for unity among African nations and the importance of understanding historical contexts to navigate current challenges.
Takeaways
*Thomas Sankara's vision for women's emancipation is crucial for any revolution.
*The debt crisis in Africa is rooted in colonialism and neocolonialism.
*Sankara's speeches remain relevant today, addressing issues of imperialism and unity.
*Pan-Africanism is essential for combating contemporary global challenges.
*The sacrifices of revolutionary leaders should inspire current and future generations.
*Understanding history is vital for addressing present-day issues in Africa.
*Sankara's emphasis on collective action is a blueprint for modern movements.
*The role of women in the revolution is often overlooked, but essential for success.
*Leadership should be rooted in compassion and a genuine desire for progress.
*The connection between the African diaspora and the continent is crucial for unity.
Chapters
00:00 Introduction to the Panel and Thomas Sankara
02:34 Current Events and Their Impact on Society
05:18 The Legacy of Thomas Sankara
07:59 Womenβs Emancipation and Its Relevance Today
10:34 Contemporary Gender Dynamics and Feminism
13:45 Imperialism and Pan-African Unity
15:59 Cultural Identity and African Solidarity
18:46 The Role of African Leaders in the Diaspora
21:31 The Importance of Historical Connections
24:25 The Future of African Unity and Resistance
27:04 Strategising Against Oppression
29:43 Conclusion and Call to Action
33:45 The Legacy of Malcolm X and Global Reactions
35:11 The Threat of Black Unity
36:14 Sankara's Vision for African Unity
37:29 Sankara at the UN: A Call for Freedom
39:33 Relevance of Sankara's Speech Today
41:05 The Need for Economic Unity in Africa
46:06 Debt as a Form of Neocolonialism
51:23 The Importance of Self-Sufficiency
56:16 The Impact of Assassinated Leaders
01:01:20 Honouring Revolutionary Spirits
Adesoji Iginla (00:02.675)
Yes, greetings, greetings, and welcome to African News Review. And I'm your host, Adesaji Ginla. And with me, as usual, is a couple of comrades who've decided to put themselves through the rigmarole of explaining to us how it is that our condition is the way it is. And we'll go into, so again, welcome, welcome. And with me, as usual, is an author.
Your Self-Love Revolution, co-host of Women and Resistance, Aya Fubera and Eli Esquire. Welcome, sister. And yeah, our world-renowned comrade, the voice of reason, as they will say, from Black Star News and the author of Manufacturing Hate.
Aya Fubara Eneli (00:41.823)
Thank you.
Adesoji Iginla (00:57.474)
And
Milton Allimadi (01:04.365)
The copyright. I always have the management. It's the copyright.
Adesoji Iginla (01:09.339)
yeah, the copyright, sorry. It's got the copyright back and so we should get a new iteration of Manufacturing Hate and it is none other than Milton Adibadi. Welcome, comrades.
Milton Allimadi (01:21.463)
Thank you.
Adesoji Iginla (01:24.591)
Yes, today is not going to be articles. We're going to be looking at the lives and times of a great African like some others, but he's special for what he brought to the fore. And I'm speaking of none other than the good captain, Thomas Isidore Sankara. For those who don't know, Thomas Sankara was
the former head of state of former upper Volta, which he then renamed Burkina Faso. He was born on December 22nd, 1949 in Iaco, again, French upper Volta at the time, but now Burkina Faso. was a military officer that was clearly influenced by the realities of his people around him and his training. But we should go more into that as we speak. And so,
We're going to be talking about, we're going to be pulling quotes from a couple of speeches he delivered during his short reign as heads of state, and you would see how poignant they are. But before we go into that, can we just say again, because it's a news review program, first things first, sister, what's the preeminent news article where you are?
Aya Fubara Eneli (02:47.443)
Well, first, let me say that today marks the anniversary of when the Liberian Constitution was ratified, I guess. So yesterday was their Independence Day, July 26th and July 27th is the day that the Constitution took effect. So I suppose.
Adesoji Iginla (02:57.791)
Mmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (03:08.797)
I would just say congratulations. I won't say happy Independence Day because Liberia is not independent. I just acknowledge that. In our neck of the woods, we continue with our struggle with our redistricting. had an opportunity to go and give live testimony at our Capitol here in Texas this past Wednesday.
Milton Allimadi (03:17.47)
That was good.
Aya Fubara Eneli (03:37.365)
and they restricted the hours for which they would take testimony to just five hours. Less than 20 % of the people who signed up were actually able to say anything and they shut it down. So, you know, so much for democracy.
But anyway, just one of the things happening, continuing, and we will see this continue through the summer and then see how other states pick it up. Because again, Texas is always a testing ground for a lot of the racial shenanigans in this country.
Adesoji Iginla (04:13.094)
Okay, brother milton
Milton Allimadi (04:15.848)
I think it might be the same item I mentioned last week. The Epstein files continues to percolate. And you can tell how serious it is whenever you see Trump escalating other diversionary tactics. So now he's talking about putting Obama on trial for treason, right? Accusing him of treason. So everything
Adesoji Iginla (04:22.101)
first
Adesoji Iginla (04:43.187)
Mmm. Mmm.
Milton Allimadi (04:45.219)
I he has a list of diversions that he's going to use. And obviously, you don't pull out the Obama card unless you're really panicking about something. So I think that this thing is going to get a little more serious than it is right now. Let's keep our eyes on that. I'm happy to see from Europe that... Yes, go ahead.
Adesoji Iginla (04:52.789)
You
Aya Fubara Eneli (05:02.389)
Brother, he... No, no, please go ahead.
Milton Allimadi (05:07.202)
I was going to say I'm happy to see that France has officially recognized the state of Palestine. I hope some other European countries do so. And I hope it actually makes a difference on the ground because if you recognize a state and the state asks you for particular type of help, I don't see why you should not follow through on that. So those to me are the two theories. Interesting items over this week. Go ahead.
Adesoji Iginla (05:28.134)
Mm.
Adesoji Iginla (05:32.597)
Okay.
Aya Fubara Eneli (05:33.151)
was just going to add with the Epstein files, he's taken it. The Obama card wasn't enough. He now wants to investigate Kamala, Beyonce and Oprah.
Milton Allimadi (05:42.99)
Right. Yeah, yeah. This is serious stuff. This is serious stuff. know, cards that he was supposed to dole out slowly, he's now throwing everything out.
Adesoji Iginla (05:52.917)
yeah. And by the way, he
Milton Allimadi (05:56.183)
I just hope, I just hope, I hope it doesn't launch a war in some other country because that's a strategy that the Democrats are using the past. So I hope that doesn't happen.
Adesoji Iginla (06:03.605)
Yeah, to distract. I mean, he's currently in Scotland, and the locals have given him the very British welcome. Let's just put it that way. So if you go online, you would see our very British way of welcoming tyrants. Yes. Coming back to today, we're looking at the life's speeches.
of Thomas Sankara. Well, Thomas Sankara, for those who are not aware, he was the head of state of a country previously known as Upper Volta, that is now Burkina Faso, and he governed between August 4, 1983, up to October 15, 1987, technically four years. But
That four years was replete with, you know, poignant times that he made certain pronouncements that, if we look back in time and even up to contemporary times, they're still very relevant. And so we're going to look at some of them through the theme of his speeches. So for the first one, this speech was delivered on the International Women Day, March 8, 1987, titled, The Revolution Cannot Triumph Without the Emancipation of Women.
So I'm going to pull a quote or two from this speech and I'll get my esteemed panel to give us their take on what it means then and also now. He begins it. says, it's not every occurrence for a man to speak to many women at once, nor does it happen every day that a man suggests to many women new battles to be joined. A man experiences the first bashfulness the moment he becomes conscious he is looking at a woman. So sisters.
you will understand that despite the joy and the pleasures it gives me to be speaking to you, I still remain a man who sees in every one of you a mother, a sister or a wife. And then he says this, the revolution's promises are already a reality for men, but for women, they're still merely a rumor. And yet the intensity and the future of our revolution depends on women.
Adesoji Iginla (08:31.017)
These are vital and essential questions because nothing whole, nothing definite or lasting can be accomplished in our country as long as a crucial part of ourselves is kept in this condition of subjugation, a condition imposed over the course of centuries by various systems of exploitation. Who wants to have a stab at it first? Sister?
Aya Fubara Eneli (09:02.655)
Let me start off by saying that.
A dear ancestor died at age 39. And it's important, at least for me, to recognize the values and his focus even at that age, but also to take a moment to just grieve over what he could have evolved into. Now, hopefully not like Manuel, was it Noriega who initiated, no, not a, was it Noriega or Tega?
Adesoji Iginla (09:11.317)
Thank you.
Adesoji Iginla (09:32.948)
Not red.
Norway, Norway, Panama.
Aya Fubara Eneli (09:37.051)
in no no no the one in Nicaragua it was Ortega who initially started off great and then has become an authoritarian but for me whenever I talk about any of these men Malcolm X Martin Luther King that are frozen in time it's it's just startling to me to recognize that at this age I am older than they were when they did all that they did and subsequently where
Adesoji Iginla (09:40.725)
what do you guys want?
Milton Allimadi (09:40.914)
Okay.
Aya Fubara Eneli (10:06.69)
killed, assassinated, murdered, whatever terminology you want to use. Having said that
His speech given in 1987 is still so relevant today, maybe even more so because the situation for women in Africa, and he also talks about women universally, women across the world, has not gotten that much better. You know, he goes into the history, the genesis of where this oppression, subjugation came from.
and why it continues to abound. And he talks quite stridently about the role women must play in taking back their power. I wish that more of our men and women would not just recognize that we don't win if we don't win together, period, that we do need each other.
I also wish that there were some, as I read through the speech again, there were some contradictions because as much as he is fighting to position women, there were also some of these lingering ideas.
Adesoji Iginla (11:23.678)
That will seep out.
Aya Fubara Eneli (11:25.989)
about what womanhood is. And so at one point where he was talking about the woman who is educated and is also economically independent, then there was particular advice given to her that perhaps is not given to men about how she must then bring herself down to an extent and serve in a certain way so as not to
I guess incur the ire of men. And so this continues to be a very important issue for us to look at as communities and to figure out even on an individual basis, how are men and women interacting in the black community and the African diaspora and the African continent. And how do we bridge these gaps so that we really can win because we will not win if we are not in one accord.
Milton Allimadi (12:20.602)
Yes. Well, that's true. The sister said, I think because of the way men are socialized, it's impossible to have an understanding that it's completely 100%. I think, of course, compared to all the other African heads of states, presidents, you know, it would be like 100 % compared to them. But the sister obviously pointed out some contradictions.
Adesoji Iginla (12:22.153)
Nailed it.
Milton Allimadi (12:49.881)
which are lingering simply because Yabiz Abso you're surprised at the way he's actually very sophisticated in his appreciation and understanding just given the way men are socialized, particularly in, you we know how we are reared in African countries, right? So for him to have a dialectical breakdown of the history of how
Adesoji Iginla (13:09.043)
Yep, yep, yep.
Milton Allimadi (13:13.87)
particularly under capital. And in our case, I think what translates much more than capital better for Africans under colonialism, really. So both the men and women are subjugated to exploitation of their labor. Then the women have the added burden of then also being under the thumb of the man, right? So it's a double exploitation for the sense of the women. So, and in terms of what you read, you know, I like the way he started off.
And that's a little bit of a contradiction too, even though it reads very well. And most of what he says is really like almost like a tribute and celebration of women. But then there are parts, for example, it's good that you see them as wives, as sisters, as mothers, but then that's also the contradiction that you're trying to overcome, right? That you should not be singing that way.
Adesoji Iginla (14:10.279)
You should, yeah, you're buckton. Yeah, hey.
Milton Allimadi (14:14.457)
Although in his case, we understand what he was saying. I think he was also trying to put them at ease. So that's how I interpreted that as well. But there is some contradiction that come out. They're not major contradictions because the substance of what he's saying is actually very revolutionary if adopted. Because he's saying, particularly in Bukhara Faso, 52 % of the population. So how can you say for men,
Aya Fubara Eneli (14:35.636)
Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (14:43.766)
the revolutionary reality because they executed the overthrow of the government. And they're the ones who formed the initial members of the government. They're the ones setting the policies. Where are the women? And he acknowledged that. He said, August the 4th, 1983 was a great day, except the women are missing. And he's acknowledging that, willing to admit that. So I saw that as very positive as well. And then of course, what he said was borne out by what he actually did in practice.
So I think he's set a great example for other African leaders. And as sister said, we're still a long way. How many women have we had leading African countries, really? So the agency of women, historically, has really been missing for a substantial part of our existence, and that's a problem.
Aya Fubara Eneli (15:14.227)
Mm-hmm.
Adesoji Iginla (15:27.625)
Fabien.
Adesoji Iginla (15:38.357)
Okay, so in contemporary times now, looking across the world, obviously, let's not box in South Africa. As a leader speaking to women across the world, say for instance in the United States in light of the...
many, many laws that have been passed that specifically just targeted women. Would you say that has not, what's the word, likely falling on deaf ears? I mean, it has, but is there any hope in how women can regain the front foot?
Aya Fubara Eneli (16:28.083)
Well, so like he was addressing, and I know there's some women who disagree with me, he was talking about equality, not even gaining a front foot. I think what I see with male-female relationships is the same thing I see with quote unquote white-black relationships, even amongst so-called allies, is that, we want you guys not to be enslaved and not to be struggling. However,
still know your place. Like you don't get to be quote unquote above us or equal to us. And certainly here in the United States, we can't even get our Congress to agree on equal pay for women. That's not even something that in 2025, this United States government has been able to put in place. Of course, we've repeatedly rejected women as, you know, president in the United States of America.
And so we have a long way to go as an attorney looking at domestic violence cases. And yes, women can also be the oppressors, if you will, but more times than not, they are the victims. And so it's still a very, very thorny issue. And what makes it so much more complicated is that it's not just men.
subjugating women. It's also women having bought into the propaganda and haven't been socialized in the same way, who will sometimes be the ones who are the gatekeepers or the ones pulling women down or castigating them if they're not in their place. And so just to reference another podcast that you're a part of, Women and Resistance, we have seen as we've covered the women on that podcast,
over and over again that these women are resistant on multiple fronts. Yes, outwardly in terms of what social structure is doing, but within their own homes, within their own intimate relationships, more times than not, they have also had to physically sometimes even resist that oppression within their own homes.
Adesoji Iginla (18:36.029)
and we'll see ya.
Adesoji Iginla (18:47.539)
Mm. Better Milton?
Milton Allimadi (18:50.353)
All right, so I think also in this country, the European American women, they need to deal with a major contradiction that they have, which is this really inexplicable and senseless fear of the concept of, unquote, the Negro is coming. Because I mean, think about it. You are willing to vote.
a guy who killed Roe v. Wade with his appointments on the Supreme Court. You are willing to vote for a guy who said you have a right to grab women by the private parts once you're a celebrity. To me, that's a very serious issue. You need to explore what is making you do those kind of things. And I think a good part of it is the fear of the black man. And it completely makes no sense.
You're you're you're what is the person with no power at all going to be doing to you? so it's like the very wealthy holy guard are able to use the race card very effectively to continue allowing the women to continue European American women to continue submitting to subjugation and If any are listening, I recommend they listen to
race and class in Guyanese politics, where Rodney explains how pitting Afro-Guyanese against Indian Guyanese, they're calling each other, know, washi and swami and all that nonsense. Well, the 1 % European planter class is counting the money on the bank. Yeah, in this country the same way, you know, it is primarily the European American man that is in control.
Adesoji Iginla (20:33.597)
Okay. Yeah.
Aya Fubara Eneli (20:44.18)
Mm-hmm.
Milton Allimadi (20:48.693)
of pretty much all the assets and resources and he's devised schemes to keep, you know, working people fighting amongst themselves to keep the European American women in fear of the Negro is coming. It's completely senseless. So I think while they may agree with everything that Sankara might've said or written, they still need to do some deep soul searching. They need, know how
Adesoji Iginla (21:18.089)
Mmm
Milton Allimadi (21:18.772)
Long time ago, Farrakhan called that the million man march. They need to have a million European American women march and go through those issues. No, really, they do. They do. Otherwise, they're going to be undermining consistently their potential to really gain some power in this country.
Adesoji Iginla (21:28.731)
You
Adesoji Iginla (21:41.204)
Mm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (21:41.979)
Brother Milton, if I could add to that, this whole notion of feminism as well, is that my sisters, my African sisters, my non-white sisters, we need to be very careful about how we embrace that language of feminism and how that shows up in our interactions within our own community. Because the issue white women should have with their men
is a little different from the issue that we should have with our men, in my opinion. Now, yes, it's still patriarchy and so on and so forth, but there are different power dynamics going on here. And so as a woman, my goal is to live peaceably and equally with my man. It is for us to collectively harness all our gifts and work to one common good.
I'm not fighting against my man. And sometimes white feminism, that's their struggle. I'm going to fight imperialism. I'm going to fight their notion of white supremacy because there's nothing supreme about them or they wouldn't be so afraid of us. But I don't want to bring that mentality home.
Adesoji Iginla (22:44.501)
Mmm.
to assert, yeah, yeah.
Milton Allimadi (22:50.249)
Right.
Aya Fubara Eneli (22:57.969)
and see my husband or see my son or see another male as someone that I'm supposed to be opposing in the way that white women a lot of times couch their fight when they do fight.
Adesoji Iginla (23:02.237)
as being part of imperialism.
Milton Allimadi (23:10.652)
I agree with that too because the history and experiences have not been the same, certainly not. So I agree with that.
Adesoji Iginla (23:20.071)
Okay, yes. So for the next speech, we come to the United States, specifically Harlem, New York. And this speech was actually brought by his first engagement with imperialism. Brother Milton, you want to speak to why he went to Harlem to address the
Milton Allimadi (23:21.086)
Thank
Adesoji Iginla (23:49.525)
the African population, the Pan-African population rather. Could you just give us an insight into why that is?
Milton Allimadi (24:00.092)
Okay, so before he came, I think that's the year he also, that's the year after he had come into power, a year later. And so, supposedly, he had been invited to the White House too. But in order for him to accept the invitation, he also had to allow the U.S. embassy.
Adesoji Iginla (24:05.831)
address the yeah yeah yeah it was the year
Milton Allimadi (24:24.457)
in Pinafaso to get a copy of his speech in advance, the speech that he was going to make at the United Nations. And he refused. He said, no, we can't do that. So supposedly the invitation to the White House was withdrawn, which of course, everything happens for a good reason. That then gave him the opportunity. And he still might have gone to Harlem anyway, because the person that, whose organization arranged that.
Adesoji Iginla (24:30.365)
I do in fancy.
Adesoji Iginla (24:37.301)
Hahaha
Milton Allimadi (24:53.995)
Lombard brand, you know was the December 12 movement I mean, I'm sorry the Partizan Mumba coalition Right, yeah, yeah, he's always been able to get many Pan-African leaders to go to Holland So I think he might have ended up doing both anyway, which still have gone to Holland. So he went to Harlem and
Adesoji Iginla (25:03.573)
and coalition here.
Milton Allimadi (25:22.311)
What impressed me the most was that he was not even making any fiery speech or anything when he went to Harlem to that school setting. He appreciated the culture. In fact, I think he spent much of his comments talking about the dance, the artistic display. He said he felt like it was in Africa. He said they're going to have a artistic
a dance display in Bukino Faso and he invited them. And he said even if he only sent one representative. And he also said, of course, the film festival, the annual film festival in Bukino Faso, spoke about that and invited them to that as well. So he shows how he knows the importance of culture in revolutions as well. And that of course, he emphasized that
We should not be afraid to be Africans. Don't be ashamed of being Africans. He knows a lot of us, we wait to see what the European says. Is the European going to endorse that? We almost wait for permission or approval. He said, no. He said, for example, now we training together with Ghana. We have joint exercises of our armed forces, unlike all the other countries.
Adesoji Iginla (26:25.141)
Mmm.
Milton Allimadi (26:47.065)
they have exercises with European armed forces, you know. So I like the fact that he was talking as if he was just amongst friends, not very materialist interpretation of history. But I think the best thing to say about him is that he knows his settings and he knows the language for each group that he's addressing. So that's what I took most from that visit to Harlem.
Adesoji Iginla (26:50.837)
you
Adesoji Iginla (27:09.055)
Yeah. Read the room.
Aya Fubara Eneli (27:09.289)
Yes.
Adesoji Iginla (27:14.645)
read the room. Okay, so that said, I'll just read a quote. And I think you've actually stolen my thunder there. So this speech was titled, our White House is in Black Harlem at a rally in Harlem, October 3rd, 1984. And he says, there are many of us who believe Harlem will give Africans soul its true dimension.
Aya Fubara Eneli (27:14.697)
Yes.
Adesoji Iginla (27:43.369)
There are many of us Africans, very many in fact, who have come to understand that our existence must be devoted to the struggle to rehabilitate the name of the African. We must wage the fight to free ourselves from domination by other men and from oppression. And it ends it with what you just alluded to. Do you know why we organized the bold union maneuvers with Ghana? It is to show imperialism that we are capable
or what we are capable of in Africa. Many other countries prefer to organize their military maneuvers jointly with foreign powers. When we hold our next maneuvers, there should be fighters from Harlem who come to participate with us. And he ends. So I think what he's actually alluding to there was this used to happen. You remember when Algiers used to be known as Black Algiers, where the Black Panthers went to Algeria to learn how
to organize, to fight, to do military. So it was hacking back to those days. Now, based on what is going on in contemporary Pan-African spaces and online, what have you, how important is it to underscore the point he's making here, that there needs to be a joint offense with regards to imperialism?
Aya Fubara Eneli (29:09.917)
Okay, so let me try and respond to that in hopefully terms that all of us can immediately grasp.
I grow chicken. Can you imagine if my chicken, concerned about their security, decided to call a meeting with the foxes that are in my area and with the snakes that are in my area and to figure out how they can have joint training on how to secure the chicken coop? Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (29:39.593)
Yep.
Milton Allimadi (29:49.312)
No, No, That's what they've been doing for 60 years. They've been doing that for 60 years in Africa. know? Well put.
Aya Fubara Eneli (29:51.606)
Yeah, it's absolutely absurd.
It is absolute. then the chicken says, give what weapons do you think we should use? Okay. Let's secure the border. You secure this side and I'll secure that. And now when we chicken will sit in the coop, I mean, it's, it's patently ridiculous. Like it's beyond common sense.
Milton Allimadi (30:16.32)
No, they say, what happened to five chickens? We seem to be fewer numbers today.
Milton Allimadi (30:28.032)
What happened last night?
Aya Fubara Eneli (30:28.597)
And then they say, let's call some more of the fox so that he can help us because we've lost five chicken so they can prevent any further loss. Oh, and by the way, we're gonna pay you to come and help us. Here are our eggs. We know you would snake king to steal the eggs in the first place. We're gonna willingly give it to you in exchange for your protection. You see how stupid that sounds? So.
Adesoji Iginla (30:55.605)
Mmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (30:57.191)
It is unfortunate again that a speech that was made, what, 30 some years ago is, yeah, is still so relevant today. And here's the other piece that really struck me as I was rereading this. I knew Alombe Brath, he didn't know me. I met him a number of times and, you know.
Adesoji Iginla (31:02.965)
1984.
Adesoji Iginla (31:12.373)
Mm.
Milton Allimadi (31:23.517)
Hmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (31:25.307)
spoke with him and saw how he moved and how passionate he was about us as Africans, regardless of what your name is or where the boat dropped you off. The question I have for us is, today, how many African leaders come into this country, United States, and go to Harlem?
Milton Allimadi (31:30.385)
Yes, yes. Yes, you were.
Milton Allimadi (31:39.079)
Yep, he would.
Adesoji Iginla (31:52.116)
Mmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (31:53.257)
Today, do we still have a Black Harlem with all the gentrification that has happened? Today, do we still have Pan-African leaders here who will openly and willingly embrace such a figure as Tomo Sankara, particularly after the White House has said, nah, you can't come anymore. Would we have the guts?
Milton Allimadi (31:58.2)
No.
Adesoji Iginla (31:58.857)
you
Adesoji Iginla (32:20.085)
Mm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (32:22.163)
to lay out a welcoming carpet for him. And that is as problematic as what is happening on the continent is that rather than moving forward in unity, we seem to have taken some very significant steps backwards, both in terms of what African leaders are doing or so-called leaders and in what...
Africans in the diaspora and specifically here in the United States are doing and how much ground we have lost here as well.
Milton Allimadi (32:58.233)
No, that is a sad question and you're absolutely right. mean, in addition to the Patriotist Movement Coalition and Loma Brava, there's December 12th movement also in Holland. And of course, they belong to that generation that grew up in the 60s. And not only did they learn
Adesoji Iginla (32:59.327)
by the Milton.
Milton Allimadi (33:25.556)
about African decolonization. They witnessed it. They saw it with their eyes. They participated by visiting at that critical moment in history. Malcolm Ameture, know, aka Stokely Carmichael, and of course, Elombe Bram. So they went there and they experienced and they interacted. And they saw the benefits in the connection, connecting the diaspora with the continent.
And.
We need to find the next generation to continue making that connection, you see? And that is a challenge. I think obviously we are having these types of conversations as well. So we want people to know that we are having this type of conversation that we want to connect with like-minded Africans in diaspora who want to continue that process that...
Adesoji Iginla (34:15.401)
Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (34:26.336)
You know, one of the main reasons I'm completely convinced, whether they let, first of all, think about it this way. Why would the, if Malcolm's only threat was domestically, between Malcolm and the nation after he had left the nation already, if that was the only threat, why would he be eliminated? Or why would the police allow him to be eliminated?
when having him alive and continuing division between his group and the nation would be much more beneficial. So you want him to live and continue, you know, dividing their forces, right? He became dangerous when he started making the connection with the African continent. And I think for the system to get, to allow him to be eliminated, whether he was eliminated, the gunman, you know, looked like him.
Adesoji Iginla (35:04.629)
I know. night.
Milton Allimadi (35:26.113)
came from his own organization. That's the smaller part of the thing. I think the bigger picture was to see that he was eliminated. It was so important what he was doing on the continent that every country he visited, the ambassador there would meet with the people that he had spoken to, to undermine what Malcolm told them. Think about that. That's how important of a national security threat he had become to this country.
Adesoji Iginla (35:47.805)
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Milton Allimadi (35:54.592)
terms of trying to make that connection for the African continent. So we need to find people who realize the importance of that connection and what it could also positively impact things in this country for Africans in diaspora and to connect with them and to continue that movement.
Adesoji Iginla (36:14.997)
I mean, you may go.
Aya Fubara Eneli (36:16.607)
Brother Milton, you were talking, something that came to mind inspired by what you just said is how studiously these people are oppresses our enemies, study us and consistently work to undermine us.
Milton Allimadi (36:34.656)
Yes, indeed.
Aya Fubara Eneli (36:40.497)
We on the other hand, whether it's because of religion as, you know, Sankara and some other speeches alludes to this idea of turn the other cheek. We on the other hand are often caught on a wares by our very open enemies. We are not tracking what they do. We're not paying attention. We're not connecting the dots. And when it hits, it's like, my God, where did this come from?
So we're not strategizing in the way that we should. just when you just talked about them following Malcolm, and we know the FBI was on that entire tour with him, and then coordinating to make sure that their ambassadors come back, they don't leave any seed to grow, they immediately come and poison to prevent our unity. We need to understand.
Milton Allimadi (37:15.646)
Yep, absolutely.
Adesoji Iginla (37:16.287)
Mm-hmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (37:31.679)
How hard these people work to keep us in the state that we are. It's not happenstance.
Milton Allimadi (37:33.757)
Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (37:37.478)
Absolutely. I was doing some research. You know, there's a website for the archival material for the State Department. this was Kennedy, and I forget which year it was, in early 60s, had gone to Berlin. What year was that when he made that famous speech? he made a few German words and it became like, know, sensational headline. So Kennedy was asking,
Adesoji Iginla (37:38.901)
Out.
Milton Allimadi (38:06.653)
his aides, what was the global reaction to his speech? And they saying, was, and they were giving him like, I'm reading it now, well received in Europe. And they quoted what a few of the European newspapers said in Britain, in Germany. It was well received in our three African countries. I think they quoted, I forget which newspaper they quoted. But then they also quoted, I think it was in the Ghana Times, they quoted Malcolm, who was critical of that speech.
and said, you know, African countries should not be deceived by Kennedy and allow colonialism to be replaced by dollarism. So they're actually soliciting and making sure that they are documenting what Malcolm had said about the speech of the U.S. president at that time. So obviously, they took him very, very seriously.
Adesoji Iginla (38:39.006)
Adesoji Iginla (38:58.831)
Hmm.
Adesoji Iginla (39:02.397)
I I just want to add also that you asked the question that if Malcolm was not considered dangerous to the foreign machinations of the United States, why is it that they got rid of him? We also have to understand that everybody that made a connection with the continent, they went after Kwame Ture, Stokely Carmichael, MLK,
the Black Panther Party who were based in Algeria, the gentleman who was murdered in Guyana, Walter Rodney, Paul Robeson, I mean, Marcus Garvey. So you understand that? Exactly. So that
Aya Fubara Eneli (39:41.461)
Paul Robeson, Marcus Garvey, whoever, yes. You start talking about black unity, you gotta go.
Milton Allimadi (39:49.937)
Right. Exactly. Not all who went, the ones who spoke about Black Unity. There are some of the Urban League, for example, the leadership of the Urban League, you know, they went, you know, some congressmen, they went. Nothing happened to them. They were not talking African Unity. So they knew who they wanted to go after.
Adesoji Iginla (39:55.837)
Yeah.
Adesoji Iginla (40:06.92)
on behalf of.
Adesoji Iginla (40:11.401)
Mm-hmm. Yeah.
So it goes to speak to what Sankara was talking about, that many Africans, and the moment you start tying the question of unity and solidarity, then you become a target. And so we need to have a much more fluid and strategic way of doing it. I like one of his quotes when someone asked him,
Milton Allimadi (40:31.504)
Yeah.
Adesoji Iginla (40:43.473)
or you visited Mamangadhafi, does that mean you are now working with Mamangadhafi? He said no. He said, it's important that people understand that we're not political virgins. We understand your experience, but we'd like to understand our own way, the way to do it. Essentially saying, when you're not ready, don't go out there, start screaming, yappi, yappi, we're doing this.
And in Harlem, actually, when he was talking about fighting imperialism, he took off his holster with his bullet and said, there are real bullets in here. And we are ready to go to battle. But then he's not saying we, as in everybody, saying those that are prepared should and will. So that said, I want to go to
Aya Fubara Eneli (41:22.247)
in here.
Adesoji Iginla (41:39.785)
the reason why he was in the United States in the first place, which was addressing the UN. And the title of this speech was, Freedom Must Be Conquered. And this was given on October 4, 1984 at the United Nations General Assembly in New York. And it starts, I come here to bring you fraternal greetings from a country of 274,000.
274,000 square kilometers, whose 7 million children, women and men refuse to die of ignorance, hunger and thirst any longer. In their quarter of century of existence as a sovereign state seated at the UN, they have unable to really live. And he ends with this, just continues with this. To express the views of my people concerning the problems of the agenda, consisting of the tragic web of events,
that are painfully cracking the foundations of our world. At the end of the 20th century, a world in which humanity has been transformed into a circus, torn apart by struggles between the great and the semi-great, attacked by armed bands, and subjected to violence and pillage, a world in which nations, eluding international law, commands groups of outlaws who, gone in hands, live by plunder.
organized Saudi trafficking. Can you just relate what he said there, the last part there to the contemporary times, please, before you can then go off anywhere else? Sister.
Aya Fubara Eneli (43:21.851)
Again, he could have been giving that speech today. Verbatim. Down to the issue with the Palestinians and the children there and the displacement. Down to the people of the Sarawi people and their fight, which from his speech, he would have thought that by now would not be an issue with Morocco. So it's amazing that all of these decades have gone by.
Milton Allimadi (43:25.171)
Right.
Adesoji Iginla (43:30.867)
Yes.
Milton Allimadi (43:34.643)
Okay.
Adesoji Iginla (43:36.725)
Yeah.
Aya Fubara Eneli (43:51.261)
And the issues, like getting further into the speech where he talks about the setup of the UN and how they form, know, different entities form their clubs and look out for their own interests and how Africans need to be doing the same. How the UN can really assist in making these changes and holding these governments and these
really he didn't use the word oligarchs, but he described them in every other way. I would say even today more than when he spoke, every issue that he addressed is still in play. Whether we look again at what is happening in Palestine, whether we look at what is happening on the continent with all of these players, each trying to extract.
and the UN largely sitting on the sidelines impotent, if I could use that word. And yeah, so still relevant in every way, which is why we need to study history. We need to understand how these things continue to play out when we don't make effective choices. And as many...
Adesoji Iginla (45:00.277)
You
Aya Fubara Eneli (45:16.691)
He called the tri-continental group, right? So looking at Latin America, Africa, and Asia. Yeah, I know China and India are making some moves and all of that, but still, the way the world is set up and who are the quote unquote world powers, still very much in play today.
Adesoji Iginla (45:22.687)
Asia.
Adesoji Iginla (45:29.321)
largely.
Adesoji Iginla (45:38.931)
Yeah, and, gone, Brian Mills.
Milton Allimadi (45:41.824)
So what the way you ended is actually very good because he actually predicted bricks. That's what he was talking about way, way, way before bricks, because you said there has to be an alternative to this. That's the only way we can create something to challenge them. And sure enough, now bricks has materialized and continues to grow. And then of course he spoke about how the UN's own potential
Adesoji Iginla (45:52.117)
Hmm
Milton Allimadi (46:11.43)
is undermined with the veto power of these countries. And he said that must change. He demanded a change for that. And that is the same thing that every African leaders come here and they demand for the same thing, the veto power. Nobody's going to give you power. Nobody's going to say, oh, you have all these African countries before, have all these resources. You have more than 1.3 billion people.
Aya Fubara Eneli (46:15.381)
Mm-hmm.
Adesoji Iginla (46:38.709)
you.
Milton Allimadi (46:41.849)
We don't think it's fair for you not to have data. It won't happen that way. Now, if you have, maybe the United States of 54 countries is going to be a process. Maybe a shorter process could be having uniform economic policy. There are four or five major regional organizations, Maybe six now, because now we have to add the
alliances or health states. But if all of them say, if you want uranium, whether you go to Niger, whether you go to Congo, this is the price. Pure and simple. And we all agree and we signed that. Right? You want natural gas, you go to Mozambique, you go to Algeria, this is the price. If you don't want it, go dig it in your own country. Right? If they start that kind of talk, they have a much better chance.
Aya Fubara Eneli (47:21.225)
Mm-hmm. Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (47:40.289)
of getting a permanent seat on the Security Council. Then coming and saying, this is not fair. You colonized us. You exploited our people. You took us into slavery. You're still exploiting us. Give us a permanent seat. Nothing in the world works like that. Otherwise, they never would have enslaved you in the first place. They would not be stealing your resources.
Aya Fubara Eneli (48:01.141)
I would say why is there a security, why is the makeup of the Security Council even the way it is? If you're truly talking about democracy, why is it not one country, one voice, one vote? know, it's like, yeah, why do you have to have this hierarchy of now these countries are the ones who get to babysit the world?
Milton Allimadi (48:11.664)
Absolutely. Okay.
Milton Allimadi (48:16.993)
Okay. No, no, your poll is a very good question. That reminds me, I know at one time Sweden is like, you know, one of the more democratic European countries now, right? In terms of, you know, how it's the voting process and all that. But back in the day, they had situations where, you know, you had, you know, one person, one vote and you had one person like 500 votes or something, right? They had that system.
Adesoji Iginla (48:33.343)
Mm-hmm.
Adesoji Iginla (48:46.165)
Thank
Milton Allimadi (48:46.373)
It was based on how much assets they owned within each town. So their votes were multiplied. And that's what these guys have. So they're neutralizing the votes of the General Assembly by creating this super vote. You you talk about democracy, one man, one vote, one word, one vote, but then you neutralize it with a special vote. That's what they have. And you're right. You know, you either have it for all or you don't have it. And every country, every country
Adesoji Iginla (48:56.085)
Mm.
Adesoji Iginla (49:09.087)
Mm.
Milton Allimadi (49:16.449)
in theory, as opposed to enjoy the same type of sovereignty, Each country one vote. And then as he also addressed, which I think was very good, because very few African leaders talk about that. They say, we have the veto because we fought against, you know, Nazism, we lost millions of people. He said,
millions of African soldiers were recruited to fight on your behalf against Hitler. So if you're talking yet, you're entitled to it because of the blood you spill. Well, we actually saved you from from Hitler. So we deserve it for that reason, too. So I how he anticipates all the arguments. We fed you exactly. We fed you. Yeah, you're fed. You're actually right. Fed them with food because they were not producing, right?
Adesoji Iginla (49:44.053)
Exactly.
Aya Fubara Eneli (49:57.493)
And we fed you. And we fed you during that war.
Adesoji Iginla (50:03.625)
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
Aya Fubara Eneli (50:09.877)
And you know, and that's so crazy that at one point Africa was feeding the West and now Africa is dependent on food from the, like we need to pay attention to how, how did things shift? Like, yeah.
Milton Allimadi (50:15.618)
Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (50:20.854)
No, it's criminal. It's criminal. It's completely criminal. And it's because of the structures that they set. So now they have the World Trade Organization, right? They subsidize their farmers. We're not allowed to do so. It's very funny that the most reactionary US president right now, the current one, is the one who's now talking about ending.
Adesoji Iginla (50:24.725)
You
Adesoji Iginla (50:29.877)
and
Aya Fubara Eneli (50:33.512)
Mm-hmm.
Milton Allimadi (50:50.092)
subsidies to US farmers, know, which of course would boost production in African countries.
Adesoji Iginla (51:01.077)
OK, that said, let's say charity begins at home. And one of the debilitating factors to the African continent has been the question of debt. And Sankara speaks to it. And this speech is titled, A United Front Against the Debt.
Aya Fubara Eneli (51:15.433)
Hmm.
Adesoji Iginla (51:23.733)
This speech was delivered at the Organization of African Unity Conference at Issa Baba July 29, 1987. This speech is important for many things. There was a part he said in this speech that lends itself to his, let's just say, very eventful exit from this world. I would begin, he says,
Burkina Faso would like to begin by expressing its fear, the fear that as successful OAU gatherings take place, they are all the same. There is no less. There is less and less financial participation in what we do. How many heads of states are ready to dash off to Paris, London, or Washington when called to meetings there, but are unable to attend a meeting here in Addis Ababa in Africa? This is very important.
He continues, are we going to continue to allow heads of state to seek individual solutions to the problems of the debt at the risk of creating in their own countries social conflicts that could endanger their stability and even the building of African unity? We believe analysis of the debt should begin with its roots. The roots of the debt goes back to the beginning of colonialism. Those who lent us money were those who colonized us. They were the same people.
who ran our state and our economies. It was the colonizers who put Africa into debt to the financiers, their brothers and their cousins. This debt has nothing to do with us. That is why we cannot pay it. The debt is another form of neocolonialism, one in which the colonialists has transformed themselves into technical assistants. Actually, it will be much more accurate to say technical assassins. They're the ones who advise us on the source of financing.
on underwritings of loans as if they were men whose loans are enough to create development in other countries. And then he ends with this. Where is it? This is not a provocation. I hope you can wisely offer our solutions. I hope our conference sees the necessity of stating clearly that we cannot pay the debt, not in a warmongering or warlike spirit.
Adesoji Iginla (53:48.489)
This is to avoid our going off to be killed one at a time. If Burkina Faso alone were to refuse to pay the debt, I wouldn't be at the next conference. Who wants to go first?
Milton Allimadi (54:04.83)
system? Okay, not sure. No, I mean, you know, actually, one of my favorite parts is the part where he says that we only have 16 African leaders out of 50 who were invited attending this conference. Had there been a conference in Europe? Well, we just saw five African presidents in the White House the other day, A week ago, so, right? But to come,
Aya Fubara Eneli (54:05.225)
Brother Milton.
Adesoji Iginla (54:06.921)
But the milty, you go first because you might want to, you're going to leave at the top of the arm.
Adesoji Iginla (54:22.227)
Yeah. Yeah.
Adesoji Iginla (54:30.431)
someone.
Milton Allimadi (54:34.906)
to conference to actually deal with issues that impact your people. I didn't even know that, that only 16 leaders that showed up, you know, until after I read that, the speech. It's actually, that encapsulates the problem that we have. You know, we really don't have leaders that are serious or dedicated. And, you know, if you read his speeches, if you hear him speak, you can tell the love and compassion.
Adesoji Iginla (54:48.445)
Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (55:04.571)
that this man had for Africa really, you know, willing to give his life, really willing to give his life, which he did. Remember he was warned that Blaise Campari was planning to kill him, that he should lock him up, he should take preemptive action. And what was his response? That friends don't betray friends. Even though it was told, no, no, no, no, that's not your friend, that's your enemy. So you will not be betraying a friend. You'll actually be intercepting an enemy, right?
And of course, he's right in terms of the origins and the history behind the debt. You know, it's what they call odious debt, right? It qualified clearly as odious debt. He knew the importance of doing it collectively. He predicted that they would kill him. And of course, you know, they did. what he said was that, well, I don't think he said very interesting.
We are not renouncing the debt just because for the sake of renouncing the debt. We are renouncing the debt because we want to use the money to build our economies and to demonstrate that we are serious, it should go along with disarmament so that they know we're not spending this on weapons. In any case, all the weapons we use is not to defend us against the foreign powers. They have nuclear. None of the weapons we buy can defend us against that. It means the weapons we buy is being used against fellow Africans.
Adesoji Iginla (56:10.271)
Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (56:31.502)
So let's cancel the debt, disarm, so they can see that we're going to be spending the money on building our economy. And then here's the weirdest part. And which of course is the reason why he said, he said, let's produce what we consume instead of importing. Because if they don't do that, even if the debt is wiped out, which in the past it has been wiped out significantly, what happens? Since they're not producing or manufacturing.
They start importing all over again. And to import, they get loans for that. So they end up exactly in the same position. Julius Nyerere, the late Julius Nyerere of Tanzania once said, we borrow money to qualify to borrow some more. That's exactly what they do. They borrow so they can pay their interest. And once you pay their interest, boom, it's like a credit card.
Adesoji Iginla (57:31.029)
Hmm
Aya Fubara Eneli (57:33.813)
I was going to say just that in terms of the American credit system is.
We can't lend to you because you don't have any credit history. well, that means I don't owe anything. No, that means we don't know how much we can extract from you. So we will lend to those of you who are already in the system. We see, okay, you're in debt 10,000. You do keep up the minimum payments. We keep getting our interest. Yeah, we'll increase your, your amount that you can, you can continue to borrow, but not for the person who is saying, I don't have any debt. No, you're not qualified. You don't have a credit history.
Milton Allimadi (57:48.416)
Exactly.
Aya Fubara Eneli (58:10.215)
A couple of things I wanted to say on that is, again, I think that as we study, as we as we study Sankara's speeches, that it would be very helpful to go back and study how he was educated and what has been able to set him aside, set him apart from other, from the rest of us who've been educated, many of us who've been educated outside of our country, you know, or
Milton Allimadi (58:25.228)
Yes, very good.
Milton Allimadi (58:31.99)
Yes, I love that.
Aya Fubara Eneli (58:39.745)
or with an education system that is based on making us middle managers for the imperialists. Because something very unique happened in his development that allowed him to think along the lines that he thought on and that unfortunately is lacking in too many of our so-called leaders.
Milton Allimadi (58:57.545)
Yes, absolutely.
Milton Allimadi (59:02.424)
Yep, yep, yep, yep.
Aya Fubara Eneli (59:03.601)
The other thing I would say is that clearly along those lines of how you see yourself in your education is that respect for quote unquote your master as opposed to respect for yourself. So you're and we do this every day by the way, your brother or your sister or your best friend invites you to a party and you couldn't be bothered but.
Adesoji Iginla (59:15.219)
Mmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (59:29.115)
Let's say here in racist Texas Abbott invites you and then you're going to find your best suit and everything to show up. For what? know, so what does that mean about your mindset? The other thing I wanted to say about this mindset really quickly is when he came into power that country was called Upper Volta and when they changed the name to Burkina Faso he went back to their own language.
So Burkina from the Mosse language, meaning upright or honest people, and Faso from the Dioula language, meaning homeland. And so everything this man was doing was very intentional about our true independence. And so as I read him,
I'm thinking first of all, again, he called, he said in one of his speeches, I'm not a prophet or whatever he was, he is because the fact that what he was talking about 30 some years ago and predicting is still in, it still applies today. I think is amazing for him to have also been at the age that he was, but it's also what lessons can we learn about how we move forward? Even the point you made earlier about his ability to read the room.
with every single one of his speeches, when you look to see who was he addressing, and then you see the tone, you see the, you see him calling up facts, but you also see him doing it in a respectful manner, although they're parts where he punches hard, but really trying to be conciliatory because his focus is on achieving a goal, not just throwing fire bombs. And I think that that's something that
Milton Allimadi (01:00:55.965)
Right.
Adesoji Iginla (01:01:08.724)
Mm-hmm.
Milton Allimadi (01:01:18.672)
Right. No, I agree. I agree. Yes, 100%. I agree. I wish he had lived long enough to torment Mandela because Mandela was very important to him. He made a constantly demanding for the release of Mandela. That's one of the things that almost broke relations with France when he admonished Mitterrand for inviting Bota to South Africa.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:01:20.732)
leaders should really study too.
Adesoji Iginla (01:01:24.319)
Yeah.
Adesoji Iginla (01:01:32.798)
Yeah.
Adesoji Iginla (01:01:43.285)
for going to. We are both here. Yeah.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:01:43.477)
Mm-hmm.
Milton Allimadi (01:01:47.201)
I mean to France, sorry.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:01:50.121)
Yeah.
Adesoji Iginla (01:01:51.829)
I mean, yes, that speech on the death.
Milton Allimadi (01:01:56.145)
I hope sister is not frozen. I see her screen is not moving.
Adesoji Iginla (01:02:00.391)
No, no, she's good. That speech at Addis Ababa happened to be his last because three months after, his close brother, who he described as close brother, would overthrow him and personally see to him that he was executed and assassinated rather.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:02:01.737)
Okay.
Adesoji Iginla (01:02:25.493)
So Dasbeek delivered July 29, 1987, was his last. He would be assassinated October 15, 1987. So three months to the day, which is.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:02:39.923)
And of course we should make the connection which he did to Morris Bishop, who was also taken out. Another young person, you know, just so many of our leaders never given a chance to evolve and for us as a people to really chart our own course.
Adesoji Iginla (01:02:45.077)
Yes, yes, yes.
Milton Allimadi (01:03:01.649)
And in Bush's case, they also use his so-called right hand man, you know.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:03:06.735)
Exactly. Mm-hmm. Yep. Yep. And then took him out when they were done with him.
Adesoji Iginla (01:03:06.951)
Right on man. Exactly. God. Yeah.
Milton Allimadi (01:03:07.729)
Burnhard Court,
Milton Allimadi (01:03:14.665)
Exactly, you know, you know, and the saddest thing is that when he was in Holland, he spoke about, know, we need to always be organized so that they don't do to us what they did to Maurice Bishop. And then sure enough, you know, three years later, same fate.
Adesoji Iginla (01:03:29.717)
where it's being shot.
Adesoji Iginla (01:03:35.519)
The same thing. Yeah. Same fate. Yes. So thank you all for coming through. We've been studying the speeches of Thomas Sankara from his book, Thomas Sankara Speaks, the Booking of a Soul Revolution. This is.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:03:53.791)
Can I, is it appropriate for me to say he was a handsome man, very handsome man?
Milton Allimadi (01:04:01.23)
Why not?
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:04:02.933)
you
Adesoji Iginla (01:04:03.629)
Why not? not? Why not?
Milton Allimadi (01:04:06.063)
Even his enemies, imperialism, said it too, you know.
Adesoji Iginla (01:04:11.549)
I mean, funny enough, you should say that. He had one habit, which was cycling, going jogging in the morning. So he would jog with his bodyguards in the morning. Market women would specifically come and line up at the road where he was going to jog pass just to say good morning. So yeah, yeah, yeah. So.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:04:20.809)
Mm-hmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:04:32.105)
I don't know.
Adesoji Iginla (01:04:37.853)
Yes, if you want to study more of his speeches, it's Thomas Sankara Speaks. well, for those who might find that very obvious to read, can also read the tiny, this is tiny, but well, you know, researched by Ernest Hersch. It's titled Thomas Sankara, an African Revolutionary. But if you're still very studious, you can go for A Setting Amount of Madness.
which is one of his quotes, the life, politics, and legacy of Thomas Sankara. And again, OK, I probably should show this to sister. might just go. That's well, yes. So Thomas Sankara revolution in Cold War Africa. Yes, that's Thomas Sankara. And so yes, we, yeah.
Milton Allimadi (01:05:25.174)
Excellent.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:05:29.757)
Can we just, I know we're wrapping up. I just feel this in my spirit. Can we just pause for a second on all of these really young, bright revolutionaries that these imperialists have cut down, the impact on their families. I'm feeling the weight of grief of a mother, of wives.
of children who were too young to even really know, really experience their fathers and what that long lasting impact is. How that puts fear in others not to step up in similar ways. How many of them can we list up? Brother Milton, United States, please join me. Steve Biko, Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Morris Bishop, Thomas Sankara.
Milton Allimadi (01:06:16.28)
Yeah.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:06:28.329)
Patrice Lumumba, mean, let's just, just, I mean, come on. Come on.
Adesoji Iginla (01:06:30.677)
Samara Machel, Amika Cabral, what's his name? Medgar Evers, Chris Honey, Felix Mumi, my God. Whoa, whoa, there too many, there too many, there too many, there too many, there too many. And those are just the men.
Milton Allimadi (01:06:31.541)
I'm wearing my shell, right.
Adesoji Iginla (01:07:00.383)
That's not just a man. This is just a man.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:07:00.869)
exactly. And the stories that we don't quite follow is what happens to those that they left behind. I mean if we just look at Malcolm X's family that became just like a series of tragedies.
Adesoji Iginla (01:07:05.321)
Mm.
Milton Allimadi (01:07:09.74)
Thank
Milton Allimadi (01:07:18.794)
Yeah.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:07:19.209)
man, but we must fight and when we fight we will win.
Adesoji Iginla (01:07:24.275)
Yeah, yeah. Brother Milton.
Milton Allimadi (01:07:27.552)
No, think your sister, yeah, I can't top that, you know, wrap up tribute. Thank you for that.
Adesoji Iginla (01:07:34.769)
Okay. Okay. Thank you. Yeah, Fred Hampton. Yes, Fred Hampton. mean, my God. What's the other young man in the Black Panther? Seagull? His name escapes me. my God. Fred Hampton. There's another young chappy. But, you know, that's it. That's it.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:07:40.166)
Mm-hmm. Mm-hmm.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:07:55.935)
Someone will put it in the chat.
Adesoji Iginla (01:08:04.277)
Yes, we continue to live in their glory and hopefully, you know, we do more of this and I must commend everyone for coming through and thank you all. Brother Milton, last words?
Milton Allimadi (01:08:20.722)
I'll to continue. Thank you sister.
Adesoji Iginla (01:08:23.903)
Victory Asset and Sister. And from me, yes. Goodnight and God bless.
Aya Fubara Eneli (01:08:25.663)
Thank you. Thank you.